By: Mazalan Kamis[2],  Saiful Mahdi[3]       
  

Abstract: This paper explores the needs of women in Aceh who survived the catastrophic tsunami of Dec 2004. Nearly 170,000 people perished in Aceh and most of the victims are believed to be women. Yet again, women of Aceh continue to play pivotal role for the survival of their communities, from the conflict war to post conflict and post tsunami emergency relief and rehabilitation. Despite this positive outlook there remain
issues that need to be addressed
to help lessen their pain and suffering.

In the morning of December 26, 2004 in Southeast Asia, the Indian Ocean had opened its maw; swallowing islands and people, and taking away lives that neither expected nor acknowledged what they were seeing. Within four hours, eleven countries had a percentage of their population stripped off the demographic databank. The province of Aceh in Indonesia, being nearest to the epicenter of the earthquake that triggered the tsunami, was hardest hit.

Latest available figures of causalities for Aceh revealed that nearly 170,000 people perished, and although gender-disaggregated data is yet available, most of the victims are believed to be women[4]. Nearly half a million people were made homeless, of which 42% are women and, nearly 10% are babies and children under 5 years old, who are traditionally under women responsibility[5]. To date, more than a year after the catastrophe, more than 70,000 survivors still lives in tents throughout Aceh. It was within this scenario, the authors made several trip to Aceh. This paper details their experience working directly on the ground helping in relief and rebuilding effort.

History has shown that women in Aceh have always been at the forefront of many facets of lives in Aceh, a province situated at the tip of the Sumatera Island and the only one in Indonesia that successfully defended itself from being colonized by the Europeans.  Being a place where the seed that spread Islam throughout Southeast Asia was first sown, the culture of the people continues to be steeply influenced by Islam. The Acehnese belongs to Malay race that populate the Malay Archipelago which encapsulate several countries in Southeast Asian region. Just like their Malay counterparts in the region, women in Aceh have excelled in every field and they often rub shoulders with men in every sphere of activity[6]. For example, the province’s many well-known warriors who led the fight alongside men to defeat the Dutch and Portuguese in Sumatera and Malacca Straits were women such as Cut Nyak Dhien, Admiral Malahayati, and widows’ battalion (inong balee[7]) leaders like Cut Meutia and Pocut Meurah Inseun.

Nearly thirty years ago, after three decades of perceived ill-treatment by the Indonesian government, the move to gain sovereignty for Aceh gathered momentum and exploded into guerilla war which resulted in the province being forced into isolation from the world.  The conflict claims the lives of nearly 15,000 women and causes psychological trauma to nearly 7,000 women. As of 2003, out of 2 million female population, nearly 460,000 (23%) were forced to be heads of household after the death of their husbands of which the majority were due to the conflict. From these female head of households, 60% has never been to school, 31% finished elementary school, 3% completed middle-school, and only 1% graduated from high schools.[8] With the tsunami, Acehnese women are again at the forefront of the survival of their communities – at homes, in tents, in temporary housings, within host communities and devastated villages. Strange fully, the catastrophe helps to re-open Aceh to the world and brings the much needed peace to the province. 

The first author, a Malaysian who works in Cornell University, spent two weeks in Aceh in April 2005, as part of his capacity as the Director of Aceh Relief Fund (ARF), a New York-based non-profit organization he helped establish in the aftermath of the tsunami. He returned to Aceh for a week to continue with his work in January 2006.

ARF funded the second author, an Acehnese graduate student at Cornell University, to return to Aceh in the early days after the tsunami struck to help locate his missing family members.  He stayed in Aceh for nine months and got heavily immersed in relief and rehabilitation operations in Aceh. In addition to spearheading the formation of various Acehnese non-governmental organizations, he was also selected to become a country coordinator for a United Nation agency in Aceh.

Among the activities that the authors undertook in Aceh include: arranging and delivering relief supplies; visiting various disaster areas, temporary camps and other housing arrangements; conducting educational seminars and skill training programs; and conducting and attending numerous meetings. Whenever possible, they took to writing notes and taking pictures which were later posted as entries into their online journal (available at www.acehrelief.org). In addition, they also conducted several interviews with women who were: survivors in camps and other temporary housing; volunteers in local NGOs, and internationals and Acehneses in international relief organizations. Whenever possible, these interviews were taped for further review and note taking. For the purpose of this paper, names of women being quoted have been changed to protect their privacy.

Working on the ground in Aceh, the authors continued to be amazed at the resilience shown by many women survivors amidst unimaginable horror and lost caused by the tsunami.[9]  Women of Aceh have again showed their pivotal role for the survival of their communities, from the conflict war to post conflict and post tsunami emergency relief and rehabilitation.

Thanks to the great response of the international community, no outbreak of diseases which normally occurred after such a disaster, has been reported. However, appreciation must also be given to Acehnese women roles both domestic at homes, shelters, and tents; and non-domestic in relief organizations and advocacy activities.  There were only few scattered incidents of diarrhea and tetanus in the first few weeks after tsunami, with no indication of gender-related cases.  

Despite this positive outlook there remain issues that need to be addressed to help lessen the survivors’ pain and suffering. The next paragraphs present details of some of the situations/needs reported by women survivors that the authors had encountered in the course of carrying their duties in Aceh. The listing is random and does not reflect any particular order of importance.

In the aftermath of the tsunami, survivors either went back and stayed with relatives in villages that were spared by the disaster in Aceh or elsewhere in Indonesia, or stayed in other temporary housing arrangements (such as tents, barracks etc). In most situations, it was the men who would often took to organizing and leading. For example, in most of the meetings the authors had conducted with the survivors whether in villages, community centers or temporary housings, most times it was the men who would come forward to deliberate on their condition. Women, being less aggressive than men and living in society that values ‘proper conduct’ in public, tend to shy away from voicing their opinion and often nod in agreement with men in any public meeting with mixed-gender composition. Even if they tried to speak, their voices would be drowned by those of the men. It was little surprise when Sylvia Agustina, an Acehnese woman who is also the head of United Nations Development Fund for Women lamented that

During the pre-tsunami period, women would typically talk “through” their husband who acts as their mouthpiece in public meetings. But post-tsunami, women survivors who lost their husbands are forced to depend on other men in order to be heard. Realizing this awkward scenario, the authors, in many occasions, had to specifically ask to meet only with women survivors and were astounded by what they heard. Also, in order to get better representation of women survivors’ voices, the authors often had to specifically coerce women from various age groups to speak up, lest the meetings would end up being dominated by the few middle-aged people who were very outspoken. Even with this deliberate act to get women to speak, the authors felt that they were not able to gain deeper insight as they possibly could into the survivors’ problems, for many women were simply less comfortable with expressing their voices to person/s of the opposite sex.

The tsunami had stripped off many women from the safety net offered by family especially their husband and, for those who were unmarried, their parents. In a society where man is still expected to be the head of a household, this new reality brought an exceptional burden to women. In his most recent visit to Aceh, the first author met two newly wed women, Rita and Ina, who had just moved into tent belonging to their new husband. When asked about their new life, both admitted this was a better arrangement, for now they had “man who would protect us. It could be scary sometimes living in tent with just other women and no man to protect you”.[11]

One of the most pertinent issues that continue to confront the devastated communities of Aceh is housing. Stories about women in temporary housings being harassed and raped were not uncommon during the early weeks and months after the tsunami. Many women were forced to live with this arrangement for lack of better options, for more than a year after the disaster struck. For those who were taking care of their surviving children in tents, many had to let them go off  to live in orphanages; a solution that helped to reduce the mothers’ burden but the forced separation would certainly caused much pain to the already grief stricken women. Many insisted of having a home on their own land, with which they hoped to start a new life within the safety and comfort offered by a familiar environment. Rubi, who lost all her children to the tsunami, spoke with a wry smile “you can give me this and that, but what is the meaning of all this when I still have to live in a tent!”[12] Rubi truly echoed the feeling of many survivors who felt that, after waiting for more than a year, nothing could match their need of a home.

In Banda Aceh, center for trade and commerce of the province where thousands of businesses were destroyed[13], many survivors who were once small traders could not recoup anything from the loss of their businesses for they were not insured. The problem was further exaggerated when, due the scale of the disaster, the emergency phase took longer time to deal with and as such, depriving many survivors who would want to start a new decent livelihood sooner. The second author, working in the midst of destruction, was happy to observe that within a few weeks after the tsunami, many survivors began talking about the need to move on with their new reality. However, his happiness was short-lived for no sooner he realized how uncoordinated the rehabilitation and rebuilding activities were.

The women that the authors met recently quipped that the clothes and tents donated to them had already worn out but they had no means of replacing the items with new ones for they simple had no livelihood that could provide them with income. Many women wanted to start new business venture[14] but few agencies provided funding for them. Even when such funding were made available, potential borrowers were often required to submit business proposal in writing and complete with collateral; lending requirements which in itself could hinder active participation by women.

Being insensitive to the needs for tsunami survivors, and fearing that another tsunami could hit Aceh, the authority took to placing survivors in temporary housing arrangements far away from their destroyed village. The new living arrangements helped facilitate for fast and effective delivery of relief supplies, but unfortunately, became a hindrance for survivors from active participation in the planning for village redevelopment and other longer term rehabilitation initiatives; activities which were often carried out in destroyed villages itself.  Many women survivors, being less mobile than men, often would be left out from such activities. Where man could hitch for a motorcycle ride with other man, it would be inappropriate for woman to do so, unless she was married to the rider. The problem was further exaggerated for woman survivors with small children and/or caring for the elderly; with no access to any kinds of care facility, they could only move within the boundary of their encampment.

The problem of mobility did not occur to the authors, until a woman survivor, Ana, who lost three out of six children to the tsunami, voiced her disappointment for having had to come for the second time to a meeting at her destroyed village. Fearing that she would lose out from any possible assistance, she came again but lamented that “Do you know that I had to borrow money to come to this meeting. The bus ride from my sister’s house [where Ana has been staying with her surviving family since the tsunami] to here cost me 8,000 Rupiah (USD 0.80) and I will have to spend the same amount to go back. This is hard on me”.[15] Ana claimed she had not received any assistance at all because she had been away from the village.

When the authors visited a barrack (an army-style temporary living center) in April 2005, they were shocked to find how deplorable the condition was. Though slightly better than tent, the complex was designed with very little respect for the needs of women; the wall separating rooms in the complex stopped short of reaching the ceiling – leaving large enough spaces for able bodied to get through. Each of the 8 x 20 feet rooms, meant to house six survivors, were completely barren with no partition that could provide the occupants with any sense of privacy. Room for men and women survivors were placed next to each other forcing them to share the conjoin corridor to conduct their daily activities; something which was not culturally and religiously appropriate for Acehnese community.[16]

In addition to the appalling condition at the barracks, many women survivors lamented that the relief supplies they had been receiving were mostly used items that had quickly worn out after repeated usage. Latifah, a mother of six, came to the meeting with a piece of towel to cover her head, “I don’t even have a decent hijab (headscarf) to wear, the one I received is no longer wearable”[17] she said. Dina, a young woman in her early twenties, who was initially reluctant to speak to the authors and only did so after being coerced by other older women at a meeting, shyly remarked that sometimes she would want to look beautiful but simply could not for she did not have anything nice to put on. Another woman in her late forties, Azizah, approached the authors after the meeting to request for bigger size clothing and brassiere to be provided to survivors.

It occurred to the authors that nobody mentioned about their needs for sanitary napkins and other personal hygienic care during any of the meetings. There was report that relief agencies overlooked women personal needs at the early phase of emergency, but after local women organizations voiced the problems out, the problems has since been well addressed.[18]

Many survivors talked about how the disaster had strengthened their faith in Islam, without which, many confessed, they would not be able to cope with the immense losses. They pray five times a day and often seek and find solace through reading of the Holy Qur’an. However, many lamented that they have not been able to conduct the ritualistic aspects of the acts properly due to various shortcomings. One glaring example is in the case of temporary housing arrangements that failed to provide privacy to women to conduct the compulsory ablution (ritual cleansing of body parts using water prior to every prayer).  To the surprise of the authors, after more than a year, items often used in and for carrying the ritual prayers such as: prayer mats, the hijabs and the telekongs (praying attire worn by Malay Muslim women) were still very much in demand. During the initial phase after the disaster, many Muslim agencies brought and distributed those items, but apparently, survivors received only one of each type which had since worn out after repeated usage.

On a different note, in his most recent trip, the first author was confronted with emerging issue regarding survivors’ mistrust of non-Muslim evangelical relief organizations;   associations which make up the majority of relief organizations in Aceh. Although the Indonesian government forbade relief organizations from conducting evangelical activities, but many survivors continue to harbor their suspicions. Often times, Western based non-Muslim evangelical relief organizations have little understanding about the sensitivity of religious issue, let alone be aware of the specifics of spiritual requirements for a community like the Achenese. The first author was disheartened to hear many women who had lost their children to the tsunami complaining about their requests not being fulfilled as promised by an evangelical relief agency, of which they perceived as having more interest in helping communities with many children for the purpose of converting them to other faith.

The outpouring of support from all over the world and the subsequent provision of relief supplies to the survivors in Aceh, though poorly coordinated, successfully avoided other succeeding disaster like famine and malnutrition which had been anticipated to occur. Nevertheless, there had been cases where relief agencies donated food items that had passed their due date. The authors witnessed this during one of their many trips to Calang, a township completely leveled by the tsunami and accessible only by helicopter. Many survivors in Calang and possibly in other areas as well, consumed the expired food without realizing its harmfulness.

With the passing of the emergency period, one would expect different or additional kinds of supply items to be distributed, especially when it comes to food. Apparently, this had not been the case, for the survivors had been getting the same kind of food items for more than a year of which they include: rice, dried fish, can sardine, and ramen noodles,. Azizah made a striking remark about the situation, “we are human too…is it too much to ask for some sugar, a bit more oil, and flour?”[19]

Forced into being head of a household, many women found their new role extremely challenging. Many are caring for their surviving children and often, they have to care for elderly parents as well. Yana, a 19 year old college student, used her college scholarship allocation for 2005 to also support two young surviving siblings and her grandparents. Her parents and two other siblings perished in the tsunami. Since there is no more scholarship for her for the current year 2006, she is now working part time in a volunteer organization to help pay for her college tuition. Already she does not have enough money to help pay for her grandparents medication. She is sad because unless she receives some form of financial aids, soon she will have to stop her sibling from attending school. “Please find ways to help us, education is very important. That is the only way we can be better in the future. I worry for my little brother and sister”[20], quipped Yana with a sad look on her face. 

Statistics indicates that about 100,000 small traders lost their livelihood and majority is concentrated in Banda Aceh[21]. For survivors who were dependent of their husband for support prior to the disaster, finding suitable post-tsunami livelihood activities posed a big challenge for there were simply too few businesses remained operating for them to work with. If they wanted to start a new trade, with little or no experience as trader before, they might find it difficult to qualify for micro-credit facility. During the authors trip to Calang, they met with four women who were seen drying out fushia-colored grounded palm type fruit that they had bought from someone who collected them from the nearby forest. They heard that the product, use as natural coloring for food, would fetch a good price in Medan, the biggest city in Sumatra. They admitted that they knew only vaguely about the fruits and its end product, but decided to venture into it anyway for it could be the best available option for them to earn a living. Clearly, the survivors were willing to try anything possible to earn a living. If only survivors could undergo proper training to sharpen their existing skills or to acquire new ones, then they could make themselves more attractive to enter job market within and beyond Aceh.

In a catastrophic disaster like tsunami, unless concerted effort is organized to listen and response to women, then their plights can easily be overlooked. Both macro and micro levels of assistance must be addressed throughout the recovery period, and hence, supply of basic and woman-specific needs must continue so long as livelihood remains problematic. Besides failing to coordinate their relief activities, often times relief organizations are geared towards satisfying their organizational needs instead of focusing more on the needs of the survivors.